Ukraine war part 14. Reviewing winter operations. A vindication of the numbers
A fellow war analyst, `Big Serge’ has just
come out with a more complete summary of operations so far this year, than my previous article, where I anticipated a big Russian
spring offensive. I can do no better than reproduce his article, here. His maps
are more reader friendly and conclusions mirror mine,
albeit presented in a more systematic way with a greater focus on the more
important sectors of the front.
https://substack.com/home/post/p-159755536
I wanted to write this to share data that
has validated the assumptions I have made throughout this conflict and share
new data which explains the shape this conflict is taking.
A word about my sources. I rely on data
more than opinions. The Ukrainian/Western side tends to mention similar
statistics – not surprising since most Ukrainian channels were funded by the
same source (USAID) and western channels quote them. Even when their data is
obviously wrong e.g. a reporting higher casualty figure than the entire combat
strength of the Russian army, the trends are useful. Some reporters who had
hitherto repeated the NATO narrative of the war but have changed their position
more recently. There are also credible figures from Ukraine which give a good
indication of irrecoverable losses – for e.g. the criminal cases filed for
desertion, the numbers listed as missing, or those named as confirmed
dead.
Official Russian sources can be misinterpreted. For e.g. their reports of
Ukrainian casualties are not
those dead, but `sanitary losses’, which include all wounded. If one assumes a
standard dead: wounded ratio in modern warfare, the Russian and Ukrainian
figures do not differ greatly.
There are Russian telegram channels which can be scathing in their criticism of
the Russian military leadership, but have figures that make sense. I also apply
logic to numbers. If for e.g. we know the starting strength of the Russian
army, if both sides agree on the number recruited during the war and the
current strength (which matches the number of Russian formations in Ukraine)
then the balancing figure is irrecoverable losses.
Macro level figures become more credible
when broken up over time and sectors of the front. Quiet sectors report lower
casualties than active sectors. Casualties can be corelated with observed
losses of
equipment (based on data from past wars) and if a brigade loses ground when
their estimated casualties cross a tipping point, that data becomes more
credible. Similarly, credible western estimates of Russian tank crew who were
killed, corelates well with known Russian tank losses.
Some Western sources like Col Douglas McGregor, Lt Col Scott Ritter or Col
Jacques Baud are, in my opinion correct in their overall analysis, but mistaken
about casualty numbers (overstating Ukrainian losses). Here then are some
interesting numbers:
Geometric progression of drone usage:
The use of drones by Ukraine has increased from
roughly 2000 in Jan 23, to 20,000 in Jan 24 to
200,000 drones in Jan 25, as estimated by both sides. Ukraine is estimated to
increase drone use to
500,000 per month by Dec 25. An Estimated $ 2.3 billion was spent on Ukrainian
drones in 2024 and $ 2.6 billion already announced in 2025. (Source: War
Quants). Russian use of FPV (hand held) drones has gone up at a similar rate,
but most likely below that of Ukraine, which is sourcing drones from all NATO
countries. Russia's FPV drone production target for 2024 was 1.4 million.
Russian use of long range (Geran/Shahid) drones has also increased tenfold
between Mar 24 and
Mar 25. Ukraine recorded 4198 Geran drones used by Russia in March, against 356
in Feb 24.
Russia has also acknowledged that over 80% of all its casualties (dead +
wounded) are inflicted by drones. An attacking side (Russia has been attacking
since Nov 2023, barring a few days Aug 24 when
Ukraine entered Kursk) loses more men to drones, because attackers are visible
and have to move in the
open, whereas defenders are dug in, in trenches, or built up areas, which
reduce the chance of drone strikes.
The more widespread use of drones has
enabled Ukraine to hold sections of the front it would otherwise have to give
up. It has also substituted for the reduced supply of artillery shells. Of the
estimated 6-7000
drones used by Ukraine daily, even if only 20-25% hit their target, it is
1200-1500 hits per day, compared to an estimated 3000 artillery shells fired by
Ukraine each day. Assuming the greater accuracy of the drone compensates for
the smaller amount of explosive, Ukraine’s firepower increased by a third in
the past year due to drones.
Ukraine downed 2328 of the 4198 Geran drones fired by Russia in March (but a
negligible proportion of glide bombs). The smaller FPV drones have a higher
rate of being downed by electronic warfare or shot down. March was also the first month in which Ukraine consistently launched over 100 long range drones a day.
More deadly for Ukraine has been the increase in glide bombs in number and size.
First introduced in mid-2023, as a modification to Russia’s `dumb’ of unguided
bombs which had to be dropped over the target, glide bombs have GS coordinates
and external fins to increase range and accuracy. From 500kg, bomb sizes have
increased to 3000 kg. Russia dropped 4800 such bombs in March up from an
average of 3000 per month of smaller sizes in 2024.
The US has supplied similar bombs
to Ukraine – the JDAM-ER which is a conversion package fitted to old bombs. The problem is the bombs
need aircraft to launch them and Ukraine lacks aircraft. Their aircraft losses
have been mostly when trying to get into range to launch a JDAM-ER, or a Storm shadow/Scalp missile, before which they have to
face both long range surface to air missiles (usually the S-400) or fighter
aircraft with long range air to air missiles.
Each glide bomb has the same explosive power and accuracy as a full salvo of HIMARS long range rockets, the use of which
has reduced, as Russia has started destroying more
launchers and intercepting missiles.
Trends in Russian tank losses: Oryx does a count of hardware losses on both
sides based on observed wrecks of military vehicles. Early in this series, I
had made the point, based on Oryx figures, that Russian tank losses had fallen
from 8 per day in the beginning of the war (690 lost in the first 80 days), to
3 per day in 2023. In the last few months losses have dropped to 1 per day
(under 30 per month). As battlefield mapping becomes more detailed, this info
has become more accurate – notwithstanding Russian claims of double counting (and
under reporting Ukrainian losses). A more credible source for Ukrainian losses
is the site lostarmour.info.
The loss figures are validated by the losses in Russian tank crew. This is a
link to the losses of tankmen vs tanks destroyed, both in WW2 and the current
war. For every tank crewman killed (and assuming half of those listed as
missing were dead) approx. 1.5 tanks are destroyed. Unit wise data from Russian
tank regiments of the 1st Guards tank army in 2022 shows 79
killed/missing for 115 tanks destroyed.
Mediazona, which I have analysed in detail
in earlier posts has an increasing accurate count of Russian dead, including by
branch of service.
Mediazona reports 1110 men of the Armoured corps killed.
Adding 2% from the deaths of those mobilized in 2022, gives another 232 dead.
29% of all known deaths do not have a known branch of service, hence the figure
of tank men killed should be increased by 29%. This gives an estimated 1731
tank crew killed.
This corresponds to 2596 Tanks destroyed.
The Oryx figure of Russian tanks identified as destroyed was 2771 tanks
destroyed.
Ukraine’s official figure for Russian tank losses is 10515, which is
clearly overstated and contributes to the very wrong assumptions about the
state of the Russian army.
As the Kiel institute concluded in their report on Russian armament production,
tank production has not just replaced losses but, for the past year, is able to
equip newly raised units. This does not consider the large tank reserves the
Russian army had before the war.
Thus Russian tank losses are currently 25 a
month. Fresh production is estimated at approx. 20 T-90 tanks and (new or
refurbished) 10 T-80 tanks per month, plus refurbishing 20 older T-72 tanks.
This excludes the repair of damaged tanks. Russia is therefore able to provide
25 tanks each month over and above losses. This has enabled Russia to equip
newly raised formations – a process which should be mostly complete now. More
significantly, barely 6% of tank losses are the new T-90 models (1-2 per
month) while Russia has been building at least 20 each month. Similarly over
80% of IFV losses are the
older model BMP 1 & 2, whereas all new production (which exceeds losses) is
of the new BMP-3
Similarly with aircraft – Russia’s heaviest losses are in ground attack aircraft. They lost around 75 SU-25 & SU-34 aircraft. However, the SU-25 is obsolete and would have been scrapped. This year production of SU-34s will equal the combined losses of SU-25 & 34, which means Russia will have the same number of ground attack fighters it started the war with, but with modern SU-34s replacing the SU-25 and operating against increasingly depleted Ukrainian air defences – as seen from a declining loss rate of all Russian aircraft.
In the recent US Senate armed services committee hearings, Gen Cavoli, (head of the US European command) who had been coordinating NATO actions in Ukraine from the beginning, admitted for the first time that Russia's ability to replace military equipment was unprecedented. He mentions for example total tank losses of 3000 (validating the figures I mentioned) but production of 1500 tanks this year (though it most likely includes refurbished tanks)
There is a paper by a leading think tank RUSI (Royal United services institute) on how Russia has been able to outproduce Europe in weaponry from 2022-24.
https://www.rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/occasional-papers/winning-industrial-war-comparing-russia-europe-and-ukraine-2022-24
Ukrainian losses: In an earlier article in this series, I had cited ualosses.org
(which uses the same methodology as Mediazona does for Russian dead), which
listed 60644 Ukrainian dead as of 3rd Sept 2024. I had argued that
this was understated as it did not include the higher rate of casualties
sustained by Ukraine since Apr 2024. I had also listed an official figure of
42,000 missing and 32000 deserted (upto Feb 2024).
The updated figure on UAlosses is now 138717 Ukrainian dead (and
identified). This excludes foreign fighters and those from formations not
officially part of the Ukrainian armed forces. There is also a time lag in
reporting deaths – compensation is not payable until a death is officially
reported.
A of Jan 2025, 59000 Ukrainian soldiers were reported missing (believed
killed).
My figures for desertions last Sept did not
include those AWOL (article 407 in Ukrainian law - absent from the unit but no
intent to desert), only desertions under article 408 – no intention of
returning, against whom criminal cases has been filed by the Ukrainian
authorities.
There were 90,000 cases of desertion under
both article 407 & 408 filed from 2022 upto Oct 24, of which an estimated 30,000 were
under article 408.
Russian estimates of cases under article 408 are 23209 in 2024, vs Ukraine’s
19120.
However, since Sept 24, there was a surge in desertion cases
In Oct 2024, there were 9487 cases of
desertion, 18984 in Nov and 17593 in Dec. There was a corresponding drop in
Ukrainian casualties reported by Russia. Russian estimates of Ukrainian
desertions in Jan and Feb 2025 is 35738.
https://libcom.org/article/turn-2024-and-2025-ukraine-desertion-has-become-nationwide-mainstream
Data from individual unit suggest that cases under article 408 are
significantly higher than 1/3rd, because commanders do not want to
report desertions, there is an amnesty for deserters and because the system to
file criminal cases is overloaded. Permanent desertions may be running at
8-10,000 per month since Nov, which is as high as the estimated number killed
each month.
Thus, irreplaceable losses for Ukraine are:
138717 dead + 70,0000 permanent desertion +
59000 missing believed killed + 400000 seriously wounded + 10000 prisoner.
14% of all Ukrainian dead are over the age of 50, compared to 7.5% of Russian killed, though both countries have a similar age distribution of their population.
Russian losses: Mediazona, about which I have commented in detail in past posts, as got increasingly accurate over time, as past casualties are identified. It lists 100001 Russian dead upto 25 Mar and for the first time includes those from the Donbass region of Ukraine and foreign fighters. There is still a time lag of about a month in reporting casualties. A full listing of casualties from the Donbass region and accounting for the time lag (which also affects Ualosses) will take the total to approx. 115000 dead.
Interestingly only 3% of Russian deaths are in the 18-20 age group with 12% in the 21-25 age group.
It indicates that Russia does not use conscripts in combat (they are typically 18-19 years) but several of those who complete conscription sign up for a longer term contract involving combat.
By contrast, Ukraine, which does not have compulsory conscription of those upto 25, have only 5% of deaths in the 18-25 age group. Those would typically be reservists who had been conscripted earlier and liable to serve if mobilized. Therefore the percentage of those in the 18-25 age group who have volunteered to fight, is three times higher for Russia, (15 vs 5%). The average age of those killed is
nevertheless higher for Ukraine, because of a much higher share of those above 50.
Casualty trends before and during Ukraine’s
Kursk incursion
|
Russian estimated killed |
Ukraine estimated killed |
1 Mar - 31 July 2024 |
17360 |
36336 |
6 Aug – 6 Jan 2025 |
17530 |
53681 |
1 Jan – 31 Mar 2025 |
6000 (est) |
23090 |
Ukrainian figures exclude permanent deserters and POW, which are negligible
for Russia.
The point of the Kursk operation for Ukraine, was to alter the exchange ratio
in favor of Ukraine and
prevent the loss of territory in Ukraine by diverting Russian troops away from
threatened sectors of the front. Neither happened. Ukrainian losses after the
Kursk incursion were higher relative to Russia’s and they lost more territory.
Ukraine’s irrecoverable casualties for March inclusive of desertions and
prisoner may be the worst in the war so far. Russia has sustained a similar
level of losses, despite taking more territory, with more of its formations
being on the offensive, compared to the previous six months.
Ukraine’s irreplaceable losses in the past 12 months of about 360,000 exceed
recruitment of around 300,000 men in the same period. The shortfall has been
made up by transferring 50,000 men from support functions to combat units, but
this cannot be replicated, nor has there been any success in recruiting
volunteers from the 18-25 age group, who are exempt from conscription.
All Ukrainian replacements are now conscripts, most with no prior military
experience and increasingly shorter training times, who are replacing the
diminishing poop of combat veterans and volunteers.
Russian irreplaceable losses in the past year of approx. 120,000 men are less
then the approx. 300,000 volunteers who signed up. Of these, my sense is after
replacing casualties, 100,000 men are renewing existing contracts and are not
new volunteers, while 80,000 men have gone to new formations. The existing
system of conscripts provides about 300,000 men a year to Russia, but these are
not part of the Russian order of battle in Ukraine – many will sign contracts
after their year of military service. Current
recruitment is therefore running at around 20,000 per month as there is no
further need to man new formations (not because fewer people are willing to
fight). If losses were higher that what I assumed, either Russia would be
signing up more volunteers, or conscripts would be inducted into combat units
after six months basic training.
Russia is fighting attrition war with the goal (as Putin stated at the
outset) of demilitarizing Ukraine. Territorial goals, in my view will be limited to the four provinces of Donetsk,
Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporozhye. The latter two were not earlier of interest to
Russia and while they have an ethnic Russian majority, it is not as
overwhelmingly Russian as Donetsk and Luhansk. Their role is the protection of
Crimea (Zaporozhye forms a land bridge from the Donbass to Crimea and Kherson,
upto the Dnieper secures Crimea’s water supply and the Dnieper river forms a
natural border.
Saying the war is a stalemate because Russia has only taken 20% of Ukraine's territory after three years is misleading. They have taken over 80% of the territory they wish to take and have destroyed a large part of Ukraine's manpower and the equipment that NATO can supply.
Winning an attrition war depends on the manpower reserves of each side
(Russia is six times more and suffering fewer casualties) the ability to supply
armaments - Russia is able to replace hardware losses. Ukraine cannot – even
with NATO but not US support), and the will to fight.
My sense is that the Ukrainian army is sufficiently attritted for Russia to
start a spring offensive once the ground hardens after the spring thaw. Once
they take most of the four provinces (with territory captured in other areas
exchanged in an eventual peace deal), Russia will dig into defensive positions,
from where they will offer a ceasefire – which they are under a lot of pressure
to do, under the threat of more US sanctions. Once on the defensive, Russian
casualties and consumption of armaments will be lower than while they have been
attacking. Ukraine’s losses will be correspondingly higher, which will
facilitate a de-facto ceasefire line for an eventual peace deal, as I argued in a previous
article.
https://rpdeans.blogspot.com/2025/02/ukraine-war-part-12-how-war-might-end.html
Finally, a example of how the Western mainstream media can pick up a story based on wrong information and draw incorrect conclusions. At the time of writing this, a trending story is that Russia has called up an additional 160,000 soldiers for the war in Ukraine. This is in fact Russia's twice a year conscription, where before the war, around 125000 conscripts were called up every April and Oct for a year's military service (250,000 in all). Given that the size of Russia's armed forces has increased from
1 to 1.32 million during the war (and 1.5 million end 2025), it was natural that one of the sources of recruitment - conscripts, is also increased. It increased from 140000 to 150000 last April.
There are over one million men turning 18 each year in Russia. However, even with the increased numbers, only a third of the conscript pool is actually serving. The percentage increase is less than the increase in the strength of the armed forces. If Russia had a manpower problem, it could easily have doubled the number of conscripts, which it hasn't.
Only 3% of Russian combat deaths are in the 18-20 age group, so conscripts are not being used in
combat. Casualties are typically `graduating' conscripts who sign contracts for longer service.
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